China creates an Internet
albatross
By Sreeram Chaulia
What happens when the world's fastest-growing Internet
market is barricaded from the world's largest search engine
on the pretext that the latter is promoting "lewdness?" The
logic of economic competition and business expansion
dictates that the
service
provider succumbs to pressure and
restricts its content to retain access to that market.
Google Inc's run-ins with China in recent weeks are
testimony to the leverage that states ruling large markets
enjoy over even the mightiest of multinational corporations.
China's communist authorities have long been paranoid
gatekeepers to the worldwide web on behalf of their 298
million-strong and growing netizenry. They are particularly
wary of Google because of its extraordinarily powerful
algorithms, which give searchers a window seat to forbidden
terrain such as human rights, democracy, and the Free Tibet
and Falungong movements.
The volume and relevance of search hits offered at the
click of a mouse by Google is a challenge to the Chinese
Communist Party's desire to filter knowledge. Given the
adverse global reaction to its crude censorship policies,
Beijing has resorted to the ruse of curbing pornography and
accused Google of being a purveyor of vice. Drives against
obscenity and political expression on the
Internet historically go hand-in-hand in
China. This was true for the sustained Internet crackdown
that lasted up to February 2006 as well as for the current
operations which culminated in the blocking of Google's
Chinese-language subsidiary, its e-mail service, and other
add-ons.
The government has broadcast show-trial type allegations
on Chinese state-owned television (CCTV) against Google,
revealing the charade behind obvious political gags being
imposed on society in the run-up to the 60th anniversary of
the founding of communist China, to be celebrated on October
1.
A demonstration was held in front of camera showing that
Google is an instant ticket to incestuous debauchery. But it
was achieved through tampering with the search engine's
software and a denunciation by a "student" who was actually
an insider from CCTV's studios. The episode was so
ridiculously stage-managed that angry netizens reacted with
irony, asking: "Is employing a real university student so
hard?"
But the coercion did the trick. Google has made its peace
with Beijing by "agreeing to take down contentious content
from its search engine", and it is now back online. Google's
chief executive officer Eric Schmidt has not revealed
whether the withdrawn content included more political search
terms and categories, but one cannot rule out such a deal.
After all, when Google China was launched a few years ago,
it agreed to comply with the party's "Golden Shield
Project", which blocks sensitive keywords "in accordance
with local laws". Whether the present agreement involves
adding to Google China's blacklist of political terms is
unclear but not unlikely.
Although China is a rapidly growing market for search engine
services, its contribution to Google's
online
advertising revenues is not spectacular.
According to one estimate, Google's annual revenue from
China is only US$200-$300 million, ie just 1.4% of its $21.8
billion global earnings. But China is a sprinting growth
country where Google faces a formidable local competitor,
Baidu.com, and the former cannot afford to be in the state's
bad books. Microsoft and Yahoo think likewise and are
collaborating with the party's attempts to sanitize
cyberspace.
China's latest targeting of Google could also be a salvo in
a trade war with the US, which has just lodged a complaint
at the World Trade Organization against Chinese export
restraints on raw materials. Astute Chinese strategists
would certainly have noted Schmidt's personal closeness to
US President Barack Obama. The think-tank, the New America
Foundation, which has the Obama administration's ear, is
headed by Schmidt and is taking the lead as the
government-favored public policy research institute in the
US. A Chinese stab at Google could, ipso facto, prickle the
corridors of power in Washington.
China's demonizing of Google may also be connected to the
Iran imbroglio, where web-based
technology triggered an open revolt by
citizens against what they saw as a fraudulent election. By
periodically reining in Google and its popular video
channel, YouTube, China could be planning to preempt
potential Iran-style mass upheavals. Beijing's Green Dam
pre-installation censorship software is also being forced on
unwilling foreign manufacturers of personal
computers as a cog in the Chinese state's
Internet defensive mechanism, which has been dubbed the
"Great Firewall".
But free-spirited Chinese netizens are fighting back against
the state's manipulation of the web. As the deadline for its
pre-installation approached, the designers of Green Dam
received several death threats from frustrated Chinese
browsers. Chinese Internet users are also mass downloading
Tor, the "anonymizing" network that helps surfers bypass
censorship systems and cover their tracks. Thanks to
liberating options like Tor, news blackouts and jailing of
Internet activists are today less successful in China's
densely policed Internet environment.
To progress from being the "factory of the world" towards a
hi-tech economy, China will need a more skilled and
Internet-savvy population. But the more proficient Chinese
people get with technology, the likelier it is that the Web
will spring unwanted surprises for the Communist Party.
Marxists are the first to acknowledge that technological
leaps can transform political structures.
Sreeram Chaulia is associate professor of world
politics at the Jindal Global Law School in Sonipat, India.
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