26 October 2002: No sooner
had election results for the Jammu and Kashmir legislative assembly
and the Pakistan national and provincial assemblies been declared in
the first half of October, than the American press and audiovisual
media went into overdrive transmitting two major misnomers which are
at total odds with reality. One was that "pro-India parties" have
suffered a setback in J&K and the second was that religious
fundamentalist parties have raised their hood in Pakistan to weaken
General Pervez Musharraf's assistance to the US in the war on
terrorism. Both results were portrayed as major "shocks" to the
Indian and Pakistani ruling establishments and as harbingers of
unimagined change and flux. I will take up both cases and point out
that this interpretation of elections cannot get any further from
truth.
J&K elections were certified by all neutral and international
observers as absolutely free and fair, without a trace of fraud or
coercion. Claims from the Pakistani propaganda machine that
elections were "heavily rigged" and that voters were "dragged out of
their homes" by Indian security men fell flat when irregularities
were alleged in specific constituencies which did not even go to
polls in one particular phase! What was lacking or underplayed in
American reportage during all four phases was the absolute
transparency and justice underlying the electoral process. CNN chose
to concentrate on the "angry mood of Kashmiris" who did not join the
election process, i.e. the discredited Hurriyat Conference, and
ignored the unprecedented high turnout of common Kashmiris who
defied election-disrupting and mass-killing jihadis sponsored by
Pakistan.
The real hogwash commenced after results started pouring in.
Painting the defeat of the ruling National Conference as a loss of
pro-India forces in Kashmir is a grotesque distortion of facts.
Several American dailies had correspondents on the ground writing
columns to the effect that Farooq Abdullah's National Conference was
aligned with the ruling BJP in India's national parliament and ergo,
NC's loss could be equated with the defeat of the voices in Kashmir
that wanted to remain as part of India. It was a very jejune
conclusion, because I would be called jejune if Al Gore won
California state when George Bush won the Presidency and had I
claimed that California had turned anti-American.
Do American reporters in Kashmir equate BJP with India? How is it
that the resounding success of the main national opposition,
Congress, in the J&K elections was not at all highlighted? Is the
Congress party under Ghulam Nabi Azad, which won 20 seats, not
pro-India? Suppose a narrow parochial view of compartmentalising
results in terms of Kashmir valley, Jammu and Ladakh were taken,
then the People's Democratic Party of Mufti Sayeed was definitely
the 'winner' with 16 seats in the valley, but can PDP be any more
anti-India than NC? One of Mufti Sayeed's campaign barbs was that NC
was responsible for the increase of jihadi terrorism in Kashmir and
that he would "heal these wounds".
The Abdullah dynasty has had a very chameleonic relationship with
India for five decades, however much Pakistan would like to believe
that they are "puppets" of New Delhi foisted upon Kashmiris. Farooq,
the outgoing J&K chief minister, is a chip off the old block and a
diehard fan of self and family. Before starting his long tenure as
chief minister, when it appeared that New Delhi may not support him,
he hobnobbed with the newborn Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front of
Amanullah Khan which aimed at "establishing an Independent Kashmir"
through violent means. In 1974, Farooq visited
Pakistan-occupied-Kashmir and attended the JKLF convention at Mirpur,
where he took the vow for "liberation of Kashmir from India",
according to Azam Inquilabi and Hashim Qureshi, two experienced
Islamic militants who were associated with Farooq in those days.
Farooq's policies of Islamisation and selective nurturing of
mujahideen outfits while in power were justified as a 'secular'
chief minister's bid to placate radicals, just as his father Sheikh
Abdullah's communal anti-minority policies of "Muslimising"
administration and police were. Father and son together laid the
foundation for progressive waves of disenfranchisement and religious
cleansing of Hindus and Sikhs from Kashmir. Farooq Abdullah, whom
American reporters consider pro-India, is the same person who has at
various junctures demanded restoration of pre-1953 autonomy to
Kashmir as a first step to total independence, a Resettlement Act
which allows Muslims from PoK to come and own properties in J&K but
not Kashmiri Pandits, and even azaadi couched in sly
language. In the words of former J&K governor Jagmohan, Farooq and
his cohorts are the worst kinds of subversionists who "champion the
cause of terrorists." (My Frozen Turbulence in Kashmir, page
368). Now that they have been kicked out of power, I can place all
my bets on Farooq and his son, Omar, shifting gear and organising
open anti-India agitations and colluding with their former friends
in Pakistan and the Hurriyat. Is NC's ouster a loss or a gain for
India? The American media must rethink.
Moving on to Pakistan, the EU observer mission in the recent
national elections issued damning condemnations of pre-poll
restrictions and the actual polling process as "seriously flawed".
The gist of all international monitors was that General Musharraf
micro-managed every aspect of the election, including candidates,
their victory and loss margins, their leaderships and their
respective parties' performance and bargaining power in the new
provincial and national assemblies. Strangely, while BBC and some
British papers carried headlines about the mockery of democracy for
the umpteenth time in Pakistan, American dailies kept it on a low
keel and preferred to express wonder at the extraordinary success of
the religious conglomerate, Muttahida-Majlis-i-Amal (MMA).
A lot of news-reading Americans and lawmakers had known by 10
October that MMA opposed US airbases in the North West Frontier
Province and Baluchistan and that its leaders are pro-Taliban and
-Al Qaeda. What they did not know and were never told was that
General Musharraf immediately telephoned the MMA chief, Qazi Hussain
Ahmad of the fundamentalist Jamaat-i-Islami, and
"felicitated" him on the achievement of the deeni parties.
Benazir Bhutto, a magnifico at understanding the reality behind
Islam-pasand outfits by virtue of being the "mother of
Taliban" (Hamid Mir), has accurately termed MMA a "frightening
genie" and a "red rag to the bull" released by Musharraf himself to
further consolidate his American backing.
The evidence is all too clear. MMA got more spot time on
Pakistan's state-owned TV and more clandestine funding from the ISI
than all other parties except Musharraf's own 'King's Party', the
PML (Q), in the run-up to the elections. Pakistan's interior
minister Moinuddin Haider even inadvertently let it slip out on BBC
radio that these groups "had to do well." (emphasis original) After
the elections, the same MMA is acting “pragmatic” in the “national
interest” by adopting a gradual thaw towards America. What American
news readers are not being told is that MMA has “agreed” to allow
broad continuation of Musharraf's American agenda (Najam Sethi of
Friday Times is certain MMA will not "cross limits"), but has
resolved that "no compromise can be made on Kashmir."
In other words, this Musharraf-created bogey will not expand safe
haven for Al Qaeda and Taliban in western Pakistan but for their
brothers-in-arms in PoK and Indian Kashmir. The reaffirmation of
faith in jihad and madrasa education by MMA has little
hurtful consequences for America, because Musharraf will use them as
barking dogs who do not bite Uncle Sam, but as biting dogs who will
gnaw at India. MMA will also be a useful handmaiden of Musharraf to
showcase as people's choice and public opinion in favour of
"liberating" Kashmir from India and that he cannot go back on his
own people's mandate. I ask again: is the MMA's victory really a
'shock' or loss for Pakistan's rulers? The American media must
rethink, scrape beneath the surface, and carry out in-depth study of
politics in South Asia to educate its people sounder and inform its
rulers better.