Globe Scan Left Wing left out? A British friend with socialist convictions lamented last year,
"there is no longer a Left wing party alternative in the UK." Prime
Minister Tony Blair's political success lies in stealing the right wing
thunder from the Conservatives and fancifully christening it 'New Labour.'
Old timers and those who know history are wondering how on earth a Labour
government in London is pushing the envelope for privatisation of
transport, education and health care, buttressing the American military
empire unquestioningly, resurrecting atavistic projects of 'new
imperialism' (Robert Cooper), and eliminating the BBC's independence.
Surely, these are Thatcherite and Reaganomic policies! Whatever happened
to the ideal of the welfare state supplying public utilities that Labour
made its trademark agenda since World War II? But then, we are now well
into the 21st century. The past is another century. Leftism as a force has lost appeal and charm not just in Britain
but most corners of the globe. In the 1992 classic The End of History
& The Last Man Standing, American thinker Francis Fukuyama
tabulated a list of countries from all continents in historical
progression towards liberal democracy, defined as a free market economy
with a representative government that respects civil liberties. In 1790,
only 3 countries qualified as liberal democracies. By 1848, 5 qualified.
By 1900, 13 qualified. By 1919, 25 qualified. By 1940, 13 qualified
(retrogression). By 1960, 36 qualified. By 1975, 30 qualified (another
retrogression). By 1990, where Fukuyama stopped counting, 61 qualified. If
he were to update the chart to 2004, the figure might read closer to 100.
A parallel table of Marxist-Socialist states from 1917 onward would
document continuous decline.
Except for brief interludes of Fascism and Cold War communism, the
march of liberal democracy has been unstoppable. It is a liberal democracy
wave essentially of, for and by the middle classes or the petit
bourgeosie. It is a liberal democracy wave that has institutionalised
neo-classical laissez faire policies with a vengeance. It is a
liberal democracy wave that has seemingly defeated leftism. The whole of
Eastern Europe, including Russia proper and the former Soviet satellites,
is today in capitalist thrall and referred in World Bank lingo as
'Transition Economies' or 'New Emerging Markets.' Freedom House
International, a western think tank, calls them 'Nations in Transit' that
are undergoing "democratic consolidation." China, the other major communist bastion, has evolved into a
paragon of state capitalism and 'new development economics' based on free
trade-spurred growth models. Neighbouring Laos and Vietnam are ruled
technically by communists but are following Beijing's cue. France, Germany, Italy and Spain do have established 'Social
Democratic' parties, but are no match to conservative powers-that-be. In
any case, European Social Democracy has always been a Left-of-centre
liberal business, not leftist in the strict sense. Chancellor Gerhard
Schroeder of Germany is in many ways similar to Tony Blair by championing
the 'Third Way' or the oxymoronic "Socialist Market Economy." Schroeder is
as anti-leftist as his predecessors in the Social Democratic Party (SPD),
whose failure to unite with the Communists in the 1930s allowed Hitler's
ascent to dictatorship. Income inequality indexes in such superficially
leftist countries have zoomed beyond sanity. In 1936, Stalin declared the USSR to be a 'classless society.' In
the late sixties, Mao did likewise during the peak of the Cultural
Revolution in China. Today,
such claims would come across as poor jokes. Where are the collective
farms and communes now? Where did nationalised industries and centralised
planning go? Philosophers used to state from podiums that socialism and
nationalism are the two most powerful ideas that shaped the modern world.
Clearly, socialism is no longer a defining principle of governments
worldwide. Former socialist republics are now setting objectives like
foreign investment maximisation and liberalisation of trade.
The Left as an organised entity capable of undertaking radical
social re-engineering is out of power almost everywhere. Cuba stands out
as a honourable exception. Extreme leftists swearing by violent revolution
and overthrow of bourgeois superstructures survive in pockets as
Marxist-Leninists and Maoists. Nepal is currently gripped by a devastating
Maoist insurgency that has challenged the monarchical democracy. Sri
Lanka's Janata Vimukti Peramuna (JVP), drawing support from unemployed
youth and the poor, has attempted two bloody putsches in the past and is
presently flirting with democratic processes without giving up its basic
ideology that power flows from the barrel of the gun. In Colombia, the
FARC and Guevarist ELN are major guerrilla armies professing faith in
overthrowing the capitalist order by the sword. Then there are the
Naxalites of the People's War Group whose writ of terror runs in parts of
India. But it appears unlikely that 'people's wars' wedded to Che
Guevara's tactics can succeed in any of the above cases. The last time
people's wars were victorious was when they intertwined with nationalism
and fought for liberation from foreign occupiers all over Africa and in
Vietnam. Once the target of these wars turns away from Western imperialism
and is pointed at internal elites, the result is civil war and chaos, not
dictatorships of the proletariat.
Another interesting global demographic trend can explain why
leftism is dying. The share of developing countries in the global middle
class has risen from 20 per cent in 1960 to 70 per cent in 2000. The
middle class has grown in 1989-2000 from 1 per cent of the population to
22 per cent in India and China. In absolute terms, it is a whopping 450
million people. Add Brazil, Mexico, South Africa, the other big developing
countries, and we have a steadily rising constituency of consumerism and
anti-leftism. This is the corpus of the 'international middle class' oweing its rising economic
fortunes to the private sector and benefits of globalisation. They have a
strong stake in maintaining the status quo of liberal democracy.
Ironically, the same globalisation phenomenon has given the Left
wing a major outlet to mobilise and show street power at G-8 and WTO
meetings. A fast spreading
Green political movement concerned with nature and environmental
protection is another outlet for the Left to stay in public eye.
Anti-globalisation and anti-corporate sentiments have risen
simultaneous to the decline of socialist states. As the Left lost power
around the world, leftists reread in dusty copies of Das Kapital and
Communist Manifesto that the state is an expression of class oppression
and should be resisted, not wooed. The Left should be in opposition, not
government. A sizeable chunk of anarchists always opposed state power,
even in the heyday of 'people's republics.' Instead of trying to grab
power, an enfeebled Left is now the inveterate enemy of multinational
corporations and their client states. So, will this sorry state of affairs for the Left wing continue
globally? Some stress that the rout of the Left is not permanent. As
wealth disparities increase around the world and as the global economy
straggles in recession, there will be avenues for the Left to stage
comebacks. History is cyclical. But wait…didn't Marx preach the opposite,
that history is linear? *Also read in
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